This post does not, strictly speaking, belong to the
Augustinian Settlement thread, but it was prompted by JKM's thoughtful comment
to last Friday's installment, "A Happy Fault?," so, speaking less than strictly, I'll
file it here.

JKM writes,
But in any case, it seems to me (and perhaps this is not the
norm), those of us who do not accept, lock, stock and barrel, the views of an
organized religion are viewed by those who do as lost souls whose opinions are
the product of, at best, ignorance, and, at worst, Satanic possession.
In my reply, I mentioned John Shelby Spong's Why Christianity Must
Change or Die, an exciting work that has been heartily denounced by most
organized religionists, all the moreso because the author was a bishop of the
Episcopal Church. I can't seem to put my hands on the book right now, but as I
recall, Bishop Spong addresses spiritual people who feel that they belong to
organized religion but cannot accept the miracles and the bizarre metaphysics
(such as the doctrine of the Trinity). It's not that these faithful people have
theories about the Immaculate Conception that differ from the orthodox position;
rather, they find the Immaculate Conception irrelevant and distracting. At the
very least, they ask not to be quizzed about these sideshows. If they believe
Jesus to be divine, and if they look forward to redemption through his teachings
and his sacrifice
(however they might construe these statements in their hearts, does that not
entitle to worship alongside other Christians?
Why did orthodoxy become so important in the first place? I
have written
elsewhere about the difference between faith and religion: "Religion is the
bond uniting people with the same focus of this kind; religion articulates the
bond by prescribing the creeds and rules of conduct that constitute orthodoxy."
But how detailed do the creeds and rules need to be? To answer this, we must
open the lid on the Roman Empire under Constantine, and take note of a momentous
decision that attended the emperor's enfranchisement and subsequent preference
for Christianity. In his important study, The Closing of the Western Mind:
The Rise of Faith and the Fall of Reason (Knopf, 2002), Charles Freeman
shows that Constantine's adoption of Christianity was probably more practical
than religious: "It was a mark of Constantine's political genius and flexibility
that he realized it was better to utilize a religion that already had a
well-established structure of authority as a prop to the imperial regime rather
than exclude it as a hindrance." The problem was that Constantine knew very
little about Christianity - he seems to have seen Jesus as a war god - and he
had no idea of the doctrinal disputes that raged among the gamut of Christian
sects, which had produced, as is natural when underground movements flourish,
incompatible and contradictory understandings of the nature of God, the divinity
of Christ, and other hot topics. Ignorant of these quarrels, but determined to
put the Christian Church to work in the administration of the Empire,
Constantine made a terrible mistake: he granted tax breaks to Christian clergy.
However [Mr Freeman writes], despite his balanced policy
towards both pagan and Christian, nothing can obscure the scale of the
commitment Constantine showed to Christianity. He started with the granting of
special favours to Christian clergy, in particular exemption from the heavy
burden of holding civic office and taxation. Earlier emperors had granted
exemptions to specific groups (doctors, teachers, athletes are among those
recorded), but never, outside the special circumstances of Egypt, to clergy. The
exemption was, in Constantine's words, so that the clergy "shall not be drawn
away by any deviation and sacrifice from the worship that is due to the
divinity, but shall devote themselves without interference to their own laws ...
for it seems that, rendering the greatest possible service to the deity, they
most benefit the state."
The problem, which quickly arose, of course, was Who's
Christian? Coming out into the open, the Christian sects brought all their
rivalries with them, and probably would have raised a deafening ruckus anyway,
but Constantine's exemptions served only to sharpen the knives. The exasperated
Emperor commanded the bishops to convene at Nicaea (modern-day Iznik, where the
beautiful tiles come from once again) and obliged them to reach a consensus
about doctrine. As Charles Freeman painstakingly shows, the Nicene Creed was
hardly an instant success. It never prevailed in the Eastern Church, and it won
acceptance in the West only over the course of the Fourth Century. Now that
secular historians are interesting themselves in the history of the Early
Church, the pious just-so stories that the Roman Catholic Church has been
telling for so many centuries that it's hard to think of doubting them stand
exposed as just that: nursery tales. And the justification for highly-detailed,
my-way-or-the-highway orthodoxy turns out to be - tax breaks.
I ought to stop here, and let what I've just said sink in. But
I want to press home the possibility of a New Nicaea, an anti-Nicaea, a
convention of moderate Christians committed to establishing a creed that
professes the lowest common denominator of faith. Since tax breaks are no
longer an issue, the rationale for orthodoxy is supported only by the collective
need of worshipers to know what it is that their fellow-congregants believe.
What is the least quantum of detail that you, a moderate Christian, insist that
the fellow in the next pew agree with?
I believe Jesus to be divine, and I look forward to
redemption through his teachings and his sacrifice.
Is that not wonderful enough? Can we not pray together now?